Vito Marcantonio said the new law had
everything but his picture on it.
That's because legislative text has no
pictures, otherwise it might have, with a target superimposed over Marc's face.
But the bill had names affixed to it
and they were the names of Marcantonio's enemies.
Among them were Republicans gone apoplectic at the prospect of the leftist radical winning their own primary along with those of the Democratic and American Labor (ALP) party contests.
Among them were Republicans gone apoplectic at the prospect of the leftist radical winning their own primary along with those of the Democratic and American Labor (ALP) party contests.
In 1942, Marcantonio got up the nose of
Tom Curran, leader of the New York County Republican Party. Curran
said his outfit “had no room for communists” and posted one
Charles Mucciolo against Marc.
Mucciolo, and Curran, got their hats
handed to them in the process, 2,784 to 291.
That same year, the Democrats nominated
Franky Ricca as candidate in the 20th Congressional
District, maybe a sacrificial lamb given Tammany's willingness to cut
a deal with Marc's ALP over who was to be balloted and for what job.
Marcantonio beat Ricca 5,247 to 2,529.
The ALP primary was, of course, Marc's
for the taking.
A “New York Times” editorial noted
that Marcantonio could not be a communist, as frequently charged,
because communism is a one party system whereas the East Harlemite,
“can run on three party tickets, and very likely a lot more if
there were any.”
Mssrs. Wilson and Pakula |
In 1944, Marc repeated the trick in
spite of the fact his district had been redrawn to include a
constituency less tailored to his progressive brand.
Nonetheless, he defeated Martin Kennedy
on the Democratic line 10,311 to 7,761. He bested Republican Robert
Palmer by less than 200 votes, but the result was the same.
Alan Shaffer, in his book “Vito
Marcantonio: Radical in Congress,” dubbed him the “all-party
candidate” and dedicated a chapter to the phenomenon.
It was not a situation to everyone's
liking.
During her testimony before a
congressional committee investigating election conditions in East
Harlem following Marc's 1946 victory, Republican activist Beatrice
Brown testified, “Two years ago he ran on all three
tickets and won all three, and that is enough to get any American
upset, to have anybody go in on all three. That is the first time it
ever happened [it wasn't]. The Republicans were so sure that he could
win that they didn't work very hard. I carried my district
seven-to-one against him, but a lot of them didn't.”
The forces of reaction
found their antidote in the Wilson-Pakula Act of 1947, which was
signed by Gov. Tom Dewey (R). Republican Senator Irwin Pakula and GOP
Assemblyman Malcom Wilson were the measure's sponsors.
Wilson would one day
govern the state for a short time, when Nelson Rockefeller assumed
the vice presidency, but fail in his bid to reclaim the job
electorally. “The Times” called the law “Senator Pakula's most
enduring legacy.”
But we digress.
In an in an April 2, 2013 post,
“New York Times” blogger Sam Roberts broke the normal silence
associated with Marc's name, noting that, “The legislation was
largely aimed at the left-wing parties and their crossover
candidates, particularly Vito Marcantonio, who was elected to the
House of Representatives from East Harlem as a Republican in 1934,
was defeated by a Democrat two years later, but returned to Congress
in 1938 after winning on the ballot of the American Labor Party, a
left wing party that was linked to the communists. He also ran on the
Republican line, but after he won, Marcantonio identified in the
House with the American Labor Party.”
In a March 11, 1947
article headlined “Assembly Adopts Marcantonio Curb,” “The
Times,” said the bill was intended to “make it more difficult for
Representatives Marcantonio and Adam Clayton Powell to enter the
primaries of more than one recognized party.”
In “Vito Marcantonio:Radical Politician,” professor Gerald Meyer noted that a secondary
provision required candidates accepting second-party help to do so in
writing, which is to say, in public.
This, Meyer wrote,
“undermined the potential deals between the ALP and the major
parties because the recipients of the ALP's endorsements would have
to go before the electorate having openly accepted the endorsement of
what was increasingly considered a 'communist-dominated' party.”
If you haven't guessed by now, the Red Scare was in full blossom, making the passage of restrictive legislation like Wilson-Pakula an easy rout of its progressive opponents.
The ALP challenged the
measure on grounds it targeted Marcantonio, limited voters' rights
and enhanced the power of political bosses. A New York Court of
Appeals disagreed.
In the end, the law had
the impact the ALP said it would. The “fusion” electoral process
peculiar to New York State placed party bosses in a position to
extract what they could from “outside” candidates wanting to run
on the their ticket.
In 2013, Gov. Andrew Cuomo
(D) introduced a package of reform bills that included repeal of the
act, but it did not prosper.
The law reared its uglyhead again in the presidential election of 2016, when the possibility
of keeping independent socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders (I) off the
ballot in the New York State primary became a campaign issue.
"The Goodfather (A Novel): The Rising Fall of the Marvelous Marcantonio," can be purchased here: MARC LIVES!
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